J.D. Vance’s radical Republican revolution
In a candid series of conversations, Vance revealed an ominous philosophy behind his first year in office.
Looking at J.D. Vance’s first year in the Senate, you’d never guess he was once a Never Trumper. Now a MAGA acolyte, he’s used Trumpian language to defend the former president’s most outrageous assertions, including the baseless claim that the 2020 election was stolen. Such loyalty has bought him a potential ticket to the White House as Trump’s VP — and among his critics, it’s earned him a reputation as a rising authoritarian threat.
The chatter around his MAGA militant persona overshadows Vance’s other — and arguably more important — identity: the New Right standard-bearer. Vance and his New Right cohort are reshaping the future of the GOP. They see Trump as merely the first step in a broader populist-nationalist revolution that is already reshaping the American right. And, if they get their way, that will soon reshape America as a whole.
It won’t be an easy task, but he’s already begun to lay the foundations by befriending deep-pocketed allies and building a network of institutions that will support the burgeoning conservative counter-establishment. He’s aware it might take decades to reshape the party, but he’s determined.
“It’s a long-term project,” Vance told Ian Ward during one of their sit-downs in his Capitol Hill office. “The country wasn’t screwed in a 10-year period, and it’s not going to get unscrewed in a 10-year period.”
“It is outrageous the way he disrespected and maligned the president. What he said about the president not remembering the death of his beloved son is just so despicable.”
Can you guess who said this about Special Counsel Robert Hur, who investigated President Joe Biden’s handling of classified documents? Scroll to the bottom for the answer.**
A single-minded Super PAC … Replace Sinema had one goal: Ousting Kyrsten Sinema. The Super PAC might have been successful — they were behind the oppo research that led to multiple negative headlines contributing to the senator’s unpopularity and, eventually, retirement. But their success is likely to speed up some of the most noxious trends in Washington, one where deep-pocketed donors will further wage permanent war on rivals. Don’t be surprised if copycat campaigns emerge, especially in the current age of networked money, atrophied local media and endless campaigns, writes Michael Schaffer.
Congress is notoriously slow and fractured when it comes to lawmaking these days, but it looks like they’re united on one unlikely issue: banning TikTok. The bill has garnered a lot of chatter, but don’t fall victim to all the fear-mongering and misinformation. Here’s how to sound like you really know what you’re talking about (h/t Catherine Kim and Rebecca Kern):
— Skepticism is a smart move here: The bill’s fate in the Senate is still unclear (Sen. Chuck Schummer has made no commitments to take up the House bill), and even if President Joe Biden signs it, its constitutionality will be questioned in courts. Avoid sounding the alarm around an imminent ban — for now.
— Make sure to highlight your shock about the unusual bedfellows who opposed the bill — including far-right MAGA conservative Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) joining the likes of progressives like Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.).
— If anyone in your friend group is confused why Trump did a 180 and now is against a TikTok ban, here’s how to sound like a real insider: Point to his relationship with Jeffrey Yass, a billionaire who holds a 15 percent stake in TikTok’s Chinese parent company ByteDance. Yass happens to be a deep-pocketed Republican donor, and losing his support would be a major loss for the Trump campaign — especially as cash flow seems to be slowing down to a trickle, thanks to donor fatigue.
— Talk about why we need to pay close attention to young voters to see how things turn out. Democratic strategists are already sounding the alarm that the party’s push for a TikTok ban is going to hurt Biden — who is already increasingly unpopular among the voting bloc. Meanwhile, Trump allies are gleefully celebrating the political opportunity that’s landed in their laps.
— Don’t forget to serve a little tea: Did you hear that Steve Mnuchin is putting together a group to buy TikTok? 
Moderate No More … Although the fall of Roe v. Wade has been a noted issue for Republicans, Democrats have also faced their own problems: the isolation of “pro-life” Democrats. That issue is particularly prominent in Nebraska, where the famously moderate state is now fracturing as more voters are radicalized by the abortion debate. Gone are the middle-of-the-road sensibilities; disruptive protests now fill the chamber balcony; and there’s little effort from lawmakers to bridge the partisan divide. Nebraska Democrats, who’ve championed moderate policies to attract a broad coalition, are now shifting to the left — out of political necessity — and thus ostracizing those who don’t believe in abortion rights. And that means striking out at one of their own if needed.
Hur, the Political Pariah … Democrats aren't happy with Special Counsel Robert Hur for releasing a report of his investigation into Joe Biden’s possession of classified documents — which also happens to make several references to Biden’s allegedly poor memory (and further raises concerns about his old age). But in a new Politico Magazine Column, Rules of Law, our resident law expert Ankush Khardori makes the case that attacking Hur could backfire on Democrats. Hur isn’t the MAGA devotee that Democrats are painting him to be. There’s also the possibility that if Democrats impugn his integrity, Hur might let loose with a full-throated attack on Biden. Khardori’s advice? Tread carefully.
**Who Dissed answer: It was Sen. Tina Smith (D-Minn.).
