The Never Trump Moment Is Over. Does Harris Realize It?

This week, I’ve been having rude flashbacks to one of the dumbest and cringiest campaign decisions in recent memory. In the waning days of the 2021 gubernatorial race in Virginia, the folks at the Never Trump outfit the Lincoln Project inexplicably tried to do a stunt in which five of their members, cosplaying as tiki torch–carrying white supremacists, turned out as fake supporters of Glenn Youngkin at a Charlottesville campaign stop. It fooled nobody, and it went over about as well as dengue fever in a day care. Everyone involved should have been driven out of both the Commonwealth of Virginia and politics in general.

I am not going to attribute Terry McAuliffe’s eventual loss to these idiots. But I am going to let it stand as an example of how the Never Trump Republican set, especially those who plied their trade doing dark arts against Democrats for decades before being forced out of their own party, don’t have the greatest political instincts. It’s kind of axiomatic, really: If they did have good political instincts, there wouldn’t even be “Never Trump Republicans.” But now, instead of celebrating—I don’t know—President Marco Rubio’s Supreme Court and the way it gutted Roe and ended Chevron deference, they’re all looking at each other with hangdog faces, trying so hard to remember that they enthusiastically support Democrats now.

All of which brings us to Kamala Harris, who has recently taken the Never Trump Republican community unto her bosom, in an effort to pull mildly conservative fence-sitters into her camp with some light Dick and Liz Cheney slap and tickle. There is definitely defensible politics in this collaboration—and if you’ve any familiarity with the Democratic Party, you know that this is the traditional time for its great Pivot to the Center. But that pivot happened a while ago. And while I don’t think of this necessarily as a Faustian bargain, I am concerned that Harris might have taken this partnership too far.

Let me start by saying that there are things that don’t worry me about Harris’s embrace of supportive Republicans. Unlike your pissy friend on Twitter—or the progressive leaders who’ve recently fretted about the matter to the press—I’m not concerned about Harris voters getting demoralized or demobilized at the sight of Harris campaigning with Republicans. If you climbed aboard this campaign back in its gung-ho, good vibes days, there’s no logical reason to have jumped off the bandwagon. I’m certainly not mad that Dick Cheney is going to vote for Harris—I’ve been waiting for that gobshite to come around to my way of thinking for years, and he should keep right on shedding his wrong and dumb political ideas in favor of my smart and correct ones. As a general rule, you should never feel insecure about your political convictions if the worst person you know starts to agree with you, and anyone who’d tell you otherwise doesn’t have your best interests at heart.

Similarly, I’m not worried about Harris selling out anything significant on the domestic policy front. She actually looks a little better than Biden (who thought he had a duty to try to work with the GOP) and a lot better than Obama (who, under no real pressure, constantly angled to give away big New Deal entitlement programs to Republicans in return for nothing). I am slightly more worried that the Never Trumpers have had a malign influence on Harris’s foreign policy and immigration messaging, but this is leavened somewhat by the fact that Democrats are really bad on these issues all on their own. (Similarly, to the extent that Harris has worse economic ideas than Biden, I am convinced she comes by them honestly. Most Democrats simply don’t share Biden’s good and correct opinions on these issues!)

The far more pressing problem here is about political tactics, not policy, and especially so in Pennsylvania, where the “Liz Cheney and the Democracy Defense Avengers” pageantry is not resonating. And that might be putting it charitably: According to a fresh survey from the Center for Working-Class Politics, or CWCP, Harris’s “democracy threat” messaging is a huge dud: “the least popular message among the working-class constituencies Harris and the Democrats need most.”

This is especially concerning because these voters are bucking an overall national trend: Recent polls have found that democracy is creeping back to the front of mind for most voters as a key issue. But if this election comes down to Pennsylvania, as it well might, Democrats may not be targeting the voters who will decide the race with the right rhetoric. As the CWCP’s Dustin Guastella puts it, “All of this suggests that the messaging pivot is a big mistake.”

It is true that the Never Trump Republican set are eager beavers. And their presence in Kamala’s camp helps to reach certain voters and assure them that Harris isn’t a Marxist. And as I noted last week, Harris’s associations with influential Republicans may help conservative election officials withstand the pressure that will inevitably come from Trump to commit election fraud.

But Never Trumpers are, strictly speaking, not Democrats. Nor do they have experience doing Democratic Party organizing or campaigning. And so they likely miss something essential: A lot of the non-MAGA diehards who have gravitated toward Trump over the years have done so because he has convinced them that he intends to shake up the status quo in Washington and take on the old plutocratic, warmongering GOP elite. Harris runs the risk of making Trump seem like a guy who’s going to break the shitty corrupt system that these Americans hate if she’s seen as too inextricably linked to the Cheneys, who may as well have their picture in the dictionary next to “shitty corrupt system.”

At this point, Harris is better off making the kind of arguments that the guys from the Lincoln Project don’t know how to make, and for which the Cheneys aren’t an avatar: Democrats have better policies and politics than the GOP. Democrats will replace Alito and Thomas with liberals who support abortion rights. Democrats will stop Trump from implementing a mass deportation scheme that will blow up the economy. Democrats will preserve Obamacare and Social Security. And the Democrats’ “enemies within” aren’t Haitians or trans people or the line producer at 60 Minutes—they’re corporate special interests and financial sector cheats who’ve been stealing your money. Democrats will run these dirty thieves to ground and crush them into pulp.

I don’t want to ride the Harris campaign too hard here. They ended up with a campaign that was awkwardly bootstrapped to a Biden reelection effort that barely launched, they’ve not shown a whit of complacency since grabbing the reins, and they have to operate in an unforgiving electoral environment where Republicans have a lot of room for error while Democrats have to be perfect. And however belatedly, a messaging shift does appear to be underway. This team has very nearly completed the political equivalent of drawing to an inside straight.

But like it or not, if Harris bottles this race at the end, it’s going to end up serving as a kind of referendum on a centrist style of Democratic politics that simply cannot, in 2024, afford to fail on its own terms. And should it fail, it will take the Never Trump Republicans down with it. So perhaps here in the final act, it’s time for a parting of the ways. The Never Trump set should perhaps do the thing they should have done a better job at when Trump first emerged: tend to their knitting. Let them get their souls to the polls and quietly convince any remaining persuadable voters to disembark the Trump train. And let Harris be what she needs to be: a person who typically champions the kinds of things Never Trump Republicans hate, running against a guy who isn’t really all that different from the politicians they have historically supported.

This article was adapted from Power Mad, a weekly TNR newsletter authored by deputy editor Jason Linkins. Sign up here.